Lamis Mohamed Abdullah
Architecture & Urban Design Department, German University in Cairo,Hussam Samir Hussein Salama
Architecture & Urban Design Department, German University in CairoInformal settlements are usually perceived in a generalized perception. This paper aims to analyze and understand the importance of informality as a complex process. The nature of informal settlements as observed in Cairo is complex, diverse, and dynamic and has been arising from perception differences. In order to evaluate the situation of informal areas, it is necessary to analyze the underlying aspects that lead to the formation of informality. Therefore, an Analytical Tool consisting of six dimensions is developed to explore the nature, complex forms and different perceptions of informality to understand the underlying aspects and complexities of informality. This paper aims to highlight two dimensions of the Analytical tool; 1) the Social Structure and 2) the Economic Activity of informal settlements. The case study analyzed in this paper is Manshiet Nasser, which is documented to be one of Cairo’s largest informal settlements. A comparative analysis is developed between two areas within Manshiet Nasser, which are Ezbet Bekhit and Hay El Zabaleen. The findings of the analysis will demonstrate that each area is diverse and complex in terms of informality. Even though the two selected areas exist within the same boundary, share similar context and geography and thus, are seen as a single community within Manshiet Nasser, yet, they are significantly diverse and demonstrate clear distinctions. Hence, informal settlements should not be tackled by one generic approach, and systems used to address each area should take into consideration the area’s characteristics in terms of diversity, complexity and dynamics.
The increase of Informal settlements is a major concern in several cities of the worldwide South. Consequently, one of the urban planner’s main challenges is to achieve a widespread understanding to the multifaceted characteristics of informal evolution and livelihoods in informal areas. In this regard, the nature of the cities in Egypt were reformed over the last decades by informality. This will persist till the future even though a series of legislations and policies are implemented by the government to minimize the progression of informal settlements in Egypt (Tadamun, 2014). This is a result of the generic governmental development and adopted policies. As a matter of fact, the Greater Cairo Metropolitan Region is a crucial case; Nearly half of the built-up zone is assessed under the category informal which occupy around 40% of the population subsists in informal settlements as predicted by the Ministry of Housing (Sims, 2003). Simultaneously, informal areas in Cairo consists of intricate problems which include the damage of respected agricultural land, prohibited tenure, insecure building circumstances, poverty and a lack of public services and infrastructure. Yet, it’s significant to distinguish that informal areas also offers valuable livings for their residents as a critical basis for their income generation, social networks and community life. As matter of fact, the nature and characteristics of informal settlements are diverse, therefore it’s necessary to be understand the underlying aspects that lead to the formation and evolution of informal settlements.
1.1 Problem Definition
Informal Settlements in Egypt are always viewed in a generalized perception; this is translated through the solutions and approaches taken. The policy makers and the government view informal areas as a huge issue; yet, the approach to such settlements is perceived as generic and temporary ones that should eventually be demolished and resettling the residents into new housing projects (Abayazeed A., 2016, Tadamun, 2014). Whereas as shown in (Figure 1.), quoted by (Shehayeb, 2009) the strategic/recent residential projects “are not as livable for many people as informal areas are.” the government continues to install the following structures conferring to these “…planning and design approaches they have been unsuccessfully pursuing for the past 50 years.”
Figure 1. Variance among livability inside informal areas and housing areas offered by the government. Source: Author based on (Shehayeb, 2009).
Informal settlements should not be tackled by one generic approach due to its diversity and complexity. Therefore, I developed a master’s thesis which mainly highlighted the differences that arise from informality based on the nature of informal settlements through the development of an Analytical Tool that explores the nature and complex forms of informality and the different perceptions of informality in order to understand the underling aspects and complexities of informality. Therefore, six dimensions were established to recognize the diversity, complexity and dynamics of informal areas in Cairo. The main emphasis of this paper is to highlight two dimensions of the Analytical tool which are the Social Structure and Economic Activity. The selection of these two dimensions is because of the clear distinctions. The case study that will be analyzed in this paper is Manshiet Nasser which is recorded to be one of the largest informal settlements in Cairo. The purpose behind selecting the area of Manshiet Nasser is because it consists of 11 sub-divided settlements; 10 informal sub-districts: Ezbet Bekhit, El Maedesa, El Masaken, El Khazan, El Mazlan, Zarayeb, Dweika, El Razaz, El Herafeyen and El Shehabah and one formal sub-district: Masaken Suzan Mubarak. Each area is diverse and complex in terms of informality, which highlights the fact that even though the two selected areas exist within the same boundary and are seen as a single community within Manshiet Nasser, they also share similar context and geography, yet they are significantly diverse.
Informal settlements are diverse and complex in multiple aspects, which include the nature of poverty, physical form, vulnerability and society troubles found within the settlement, and the rural connection of individuals. Informal settlements differ significantly from one settlement to another, even though they can be socially consistent and stable where many individuals encompass an employment stability, but they often suffer from economic and social problems (Huchzermeyer & Karam, 2006). A number of theorists have emphasized that rather than portraying informal settlements as physical environments, that are lacking basic infrastructural services, they are viewed as interchanging and multifaceted social processes that are adapting in complex spatial arrangements (Huchzermeyer, 2004). Moreover, the term spatial organization is based on the place of origin, as residents cluster together according to village and family ties. The illegal act by settlers shapes the complexity found within the evolution of social ties in informal areas. The factors which play a role in shaping informal settlements’ solidarity ties are the processes of implantation, which is understood as the level of social homogeneity, and the existence or nonexistence of “contractors.” The implantation process is well-known as the collective type where solidarity develops. The common village background of kinship ties, ethnic and religious views contribute to group homogeneity and solidarity which allows the sense of integration between the community members. Furthermore, “The Natural Leaders” in any community are the key points for consolidating the whole community. This helps in the formation of Community Based Organizations that work in the favor of the community to help in monitoring and setting community rules and organization among members, also the public participation and the implementation of developing projects. Therefore, this allows for the integration of various stakeholders which include the government and non-governmental organizations (Ismail S., 1996). As a matter of fact, informal areas as societal developments lead to a wider perspective of these areas, which includes the lively political and social attributes that befall there, in addition to extra static spatial, legal and technical aspects. The illegal or ambiguous status that are implanted among the residents of informal community’s emerge unstable affiliation modes with the government. This is due to the acts of squatting and setting up new settlements which don’t comply with the law and therefore, disregards housing rules and regulations. They, consequently rely upon community solidarity in working out their services and needs in opposite to the government, particularly in regard to threats of eviction. Moreover, the examining of dynamics in terms of interaction between the communities and the state, it is important to take account of the factors which form the nature of their internal organization and approaches. Likewise, (Roy, 2005) has proposed another understanding to urban informality which states a systematic logic and rules that manages the development of urban transformation by itself. Moreover, (Elsheshtawy, 2011) defines three perspectives to urban informality: core order in informality, strategies of survival and socio-economic factors. The term Informality isn’t viewed as a discrete area however, it’s viewed as a sequence of procedures which link diverse spaces and economies towards each other (Roy, 2005). In the perspective of informal sector debates, it has diverse approaches such as the legalist and structuralist approach. The legalist approach Informality is defined as all that takes place outside of the boundary of formal and authoritarian procedures, which includes private associates (social capital), the (strategic) development of individuals’ networks. The most popular scholar of this point of view of informality is De Soto (2000), his point of view states that informality is a general response to bureaucratic procedures, authorized barrier as well as the actual market forces (De Soto 2000; Roy and AlSayyad, 2004). In addition, informal settlements could be conceived to develop a logical economic evolution, and the reproduction of labor force necessary to maintain the workforce biological, through housing (Ward, 1999). On the othr hand, the structuralist approach view informality as an outcome of capitalism’s unequal means of development. Informality is understood as a set of practices and behaviors emerging within cities: the underground economy. Correspondingly, informality is considered as “unregistered economic activities as constituting the informal city”. Moreover, informality is connected to the concept of labor status with absence of benefits, due to the nonexistence of employment contract, insurance documents, and recorded payments (Portes, 1987).
Informal areas are highly heterogeneous due to the arousal of various meanings. Therefore, informal settlements are not to be addressed by one broad categorization, it must be studied deeply in order to develop a clear understanding to the complex phenomenon. The use of one term “ashwayyat”, is used to explain all forms and shapes of informal areas in Cairo, which is extremely crucial due to the failure of the ability to capture differences among the diverse informal areas, including building structure quality and the heterogeneity of the residents. It’s critical to understand the case of informal settlements, therefore many researchers developed an understanding to Cairo’s informal settlements as a common notion of slums, which is distinguished by economic and social exclusion, unstable land ownership, and deteriorating conditions of environmental and sanitary standards (UN, 2008). Informal are are viewed as a problematic issue waiting for a resolution. The government outlooks these areas a corrupt phenomenon that must be demolished (Hernández, 2013). In Egypt, the state mainly abides by this point of views that informal settlements should be removed or compacted (Tadamun, 2014).
As a result, by discussing the previous literature and findings about the diverse and complex forms of informality; The Analytical Tool as shown in (Table 1.) helps create a clearer understanding to the two out of six dimensions that assist in recognizing the diversity, complexity and dynamics of Cairo’s informal settlements, which will be the core of this paper.
2.1 Analytical Tool: The Nature and Diverse Dimensions of Informality
Table 1. Analytical Tool (Source: Author)
Figure 2. Locations of Manshiet Nasser with neighboring districts (Source: Tadamon, 2014) Edited by: Author.
Manshiet Nasser is recorded to be one of the largest informal settlements in Cairo on a former desert lands that is categorized under the most densely populated areas in Africa (Amnesty International, 2009). The settlement is built over the foothills of the Mokattam Mountains from the late 1950s by rural migrants from Upper Egypt. The area of Manshiet Nasser is estimated as 7.934 square kilometers, and houses between 800,000 to 1 million inhabitants (Tadamun, 2016). Manshiet Nasser is well-known by its location, which connects it with the diverse neighborhoods of Cairo as shown in (Figure 2.). In reference to the history of Al-Manshiyya, the social structure of the neighborhood doesn’t appear to come from the same origin, the settlement consists of diverse groups of people, that were relocated due to different historical conditions after the War in 1967 with the absence of land titles and government approval. Therefore, the development of the area is directionless and deficient in terms of proper administrative infrastructure and legal basis. Migrants were searching for an area to live in, in order to obtain enhanced forms of livelihood, which caused migrants to start building on state‐owned land. Therefore, the area cannot be measured as one homogeneous entity, but rather a set of diverse sub-districts that form a heterogeneous district that consists of varying complex layers. Also, the continuous incrementation in the development of Manshieya, enabled settlers to develop their own industrial areas where they generate their income from recycling and traditional hand craft works. They are mainly positioned in between multistory buildings, small enterprises and shops. The analysis information is obtained through interviewing Manshiet Nasser residents, and interviews with Tadamun, several NGOs and government stakeholders.
Ezbet Bekhit is a of the neighborhood in Manshiet Nasser which is located in a crossroad situation. It is bounded from the east and south side by other areas of Manshiet Nasser. Moreover, it has an estimated population of 37,000 inhabitants. The characteristics found in Ezbet Bekhit are poverty, lack of job opportunities, corrupt well-being conditions, and a huge number of female households. The settlement of Ezbet Bekhit began with the construction of simple houses along the Autostrad road, then followed by the arrival of newly migrants which settled within the area and resulted in an increased expansion rates that reached out at the steeply rising and dangerous limestone cliffs of the Mokattam Plateau (Runkel, 2009). Hay El Zabaleen is another neighborhood situated at the southern part of Manshiet Nasser, under the Mokattam hills which surrounds the outer edge of Cairo; it is inhabited by garbage collectors who take care of the waste collection in Egypt in an informal manner since 1940s; they are well known as Zabaleen. The economy of Hay El Zabaleen is revolved around the collection and recycling of Cairo’s garbage. Furthermore, Hay El Zabaleen was built in 1975 due to the immigration of Coptic inhabitants from historical Cairo to Hay El Zabaleen within the district of Manshiet Nasser. Moreover, the estimated population of Hay El Zabaleen community is around 50-100,000 where the percentage of Coptic Christians represent 90% of the total population (Hooshmand D., 2019). Hay El Zabaleen have evolved to a city that contains tremendous amounts of garbage mountains and recycling factories. The establishment of the first church in Hay El Zabaleen was in 1975, which as a result caused residents of Zabaleen community to permenanty settle as a community due to safety and security motives.
3.1 Social Structure
3.1.1 The Social Structure in Ezbet Bekhit
3.1.2 Social Strata
The residents of Ezbet Bekhit share diverse cultural norms and religious beliefs, this is due to the allocation of residents of different historical conditions. Consequently, the social strata consist of diverse origin and class. Similarities of both class and culture are found within the scale of families not the scale of the area of Ezbet Bekhit.
3.1.3 Social Ties
The social ties in the area of Ezbet Bekhit started when they residents were subject to forced eviction from area of Gamaliya by the Government in 1960. Therefore, the government reallocated the residents to a vacant desert land called Manshiet Nasser which was absent of infrastructure services. Therefore, the development of Ezbet Bekhit started from the term settlement phase where the residents start by subdividing the land in the direction of the existing topography of Ezbet Bekhit, the subdivisions assisted in housing the needs of the residents. Accordingly, the socio-economic status of resident’s improved overtime by the informal provision of income within the area that enabled them to live and adapt. Therefore, this led the residents of Bekhit to expand by calling in their families in the area, in order to build stronger social ties among the community as shown in (Figure 3.). This phase is known to be as the familiarization phase, where the initial residents contribute by the helping out the newly residents of Bekhit that were initially searching for job opportunities to house the needs of their families and adapt a way of living. Moreover, this led the new settlers to adapt within the area, after the improvement of their social-economic status by finding job opportunities within the area. This caused the newly residents of Bekhit to bring their remaining members in order to reinforce the social ties, and start by adapting within the community of Bekhit, that entails diverse income opportunities. Hence, this was the result of the term proliferation. This highlights the understanding to the concept of informality in terms of social ties, settlers adapted by developing their needs to improve their socio-economic status, which was mainly supported by the term social ties as it was the fundamental reason for this process to take place.
Figure 3. Social Ties in Ezbet Bekhit (Source: Author)
3.1.4 Stakeholders
The social ties in Ezbet Bekhit are strong within the scale of family member as analysed though the interviews conducted. The residents among the area as whole lack the development of community-based organizations, which are people in charge of setting a system within the area where all residents comply or abide by. This is due to the weak interpersonal ties in the scale of the area of Bekhit, which caused the absence of an integrated system among the residents of the area. Also, community-based organizations are in charge of NGOs developments and contribution through the designated community systems, which in the case of Ezbet Bekhit was very low. As shown in (Figure 3.) which highlights the complexity of the weak social structure that exists within the area, that limited the integration of NGOs contribution due the absence of community-based organization
3.2.1 The Social Structure in Hay El Zabaleen
3.2.2 Social Strata
The residents of Hay El Zabaleen share similar cultural norms and religious beliefs (90% are Coptic), this is due to the allocation of residents from the same place of origin. Consequently, the social strata consist of similar origin and class. Similarities of both class and culture are found within the scale of families and also with the scale of the area of Hay El Zabaleen.
3.2.3 Social Ties
The social ties in the area of Hay El Zabaleen emerged when they residents were subject to forced eviction from Giza by the Government in 1970. Therefore, the development of Hay El Zabaleen started by the term settlement phase where the residents lacked legal tenure and feared another eviction; thus, this led residents to construct low-quality housing structures to house their essential needs. Consequently, this triggered external parties to develop the area of Hay El Zabaleen and contribute in serving the residents with the support of international donations. As a result, the residents to felt safer in terms of security and tenure; hence, the settlers started constructing permanent buildings. Furthermore, the Zabaleen residents started to integrate their main economic practices which is well-known as the collection and recycling processes of garbage. Consequently, the socio-economic status of the resident improved overtime; this was a result of the provision of income in an informal manner within the area of Hay El Zabaleen; which enabled them to live and adapt. This allowed the residents of Zabaleen area to expand by calling in their families to area, in order to build stronger social ties within the community and expand their business. This phase is known as the familiarization phase where the initial residents contribute by the helping out the newly residents of Hay El Zabaleen that were initially searching for job opportunities to house the needs of their families and adapt a way of living. This caused the newly residents of Hay El Zabaleen to bring their remaining members in order to strengthen the social ties, and start by adapting within the community, through joining the previously set businesses or by starting a new one. This caused newly residents of Hay El Zabaleen to bring their remaining families in order to strengthen the social ties and start adapting within the community of Zabaleen. Consequently, this was the result of the term proliferation. (El Defrawi, 2013). The social ties within Hay El Zabaleen are noted to be strong within the area and the community as observed by the interviews conducted. This is mainly because the residents of Hay El Zabaleen share the same religious, cultural and ethical status.
Figure 4. Strong Interpersonal ties in the area of Hay El Zabaleen (Source Author)
The residents of Hay El Zabaleen strived in the development community-based organizations, which are in charge of setting a system within the area where all residents comply or abide by. The process was initiated through the election of a representative of the area; followed by the election of the community-based organization team. The strong interpersonal ties in the scale of the area of Hay El Zabaleen led to the well-built integrations among the residents of the area. Also, the development community-based organizations were reason behind the strong relations built with NGOs developments which allowed for diverse contribution to take place through the designated community systems. Therefore, it’s noted that many funds were received within in the areas of Hay El Zabaleen which assisted in the growth of the area.
3.3 Economic Activity
3.3.1 The Economic Activity in Ezbet Bekhit
The majority of inhabitants within Ezbet Bekhit developed their own economic activities that are apposite their needs; it varies between small workshops and diverse businesses. Economic activities are mainly based on small-scale workshops as observed by the researcher during the conducted fieldwork. Ezbet Bekhit is mainly known for the production of handcrafted goods for the main artisan markets in Cairo such as Khan El- Khalili in old Cairo. The following statistics were estimated to demonstrate the employment status of Ezbet Bekhit according to (Nour. T, 2003): Unemployed (14%) – Employed in the public sector (12%) and Informal Enterprises (74%).
3.3.2 Semi-informal Income Activities
Based on the interviews conducted, many residents work in semi-formal manner or have a registered authorized recognition in the state. However, it’s termed as semi-informal due to the absence of official contract, medical and social insurance which don’t comply with the legal labor laws.
A. Micro-Credit/NGOs Funding
In reference to the interviews conducted with Tadmun (NGO), they contributed in several projects within Manshiet Nasser including Ezbet Bekhit. The Micro-Credit project is divided into three categories: 1) Individual Loan: Ranging from 8000 – 50,000 LE (requires asset equivalent to 5000 LE), 2) Machinery and Vehicle: Ranging from 5000-50,000 LE (No assets required) and 3) Group Loan: Ranging from 4000-6000 LE. The following is example demonstrates the different micro-credit funding projects that took place in Ezbet Bekhit. Based on the interviews conducted, the majority residents request the individual loan; The procedure starts by the provision of the CIVIL ID and the requested paperwork as a proof document for owned assets, which are equivalent to the requested amount. Moreover, this is considered as an insurance procedure for Tadmun. A budget is provided by Tadamun upon the request of the resident to purchase the desired business initiative. Furthermore, the installment process is divided among 10 – 24 months, which is relative according to the requested amount. The generated products were sold for the provision of additional income in order to house the needs of the family coupled with the payment of the assigned monthly installments for Tadamun. Conversely, Tadmun discontinued in the provision of micro-credit funding project in Ezbet Bekhit, due to the malfunction issues of recipients in terms of monthly loans. This is a result of the failures in receiving profits in such activities from the recipients; the lack of skills offered from the loan recipients coupled with the inadequate abilities in money investment for productive activities caused Tadmun to fail to obsolete the project related to micro-credit.
B. Employment
A minor percentage of the residents within Ezbet Bekhit are working the public sector (12 %). The variety of employment include activities such as: taxi drivers, formal registered pharmacy (in Bekhit), or working in the shops of West El Balad (clothes or supermarket or employed in the public hospitals Sheikh Zayed Hospital or Demerdash.
3.3.3 Informal Income Activities
Residents of Ezbet Bekhit perform a set of informal economic activities which is estimated to be around 74 % of the area income. This demonstrates that the main economic income that take place within Ezbet Bekhit is mainly revolving around the informal way of unregistered activities as shown in (Figure 5. & 6.).
Therefore, informal income activities are categorized into two different categories the first includes self-employed in unregistered enterprise and the second includes the wage employment; the categorization is necessary to distinguish between the diversity informality which occurs in both aspects. Moreover, the rationale behind the unauthorized registration is due to complicated procedures that are acquired to be finalized in order to obtain the formal registry license.
A. Self-employment in small, unregistered enterprises
The complexity of the informal sector is a result of the diverse composition of actors, behavioural patterns and locations. Ezbet Bekhit consists of varying activities as observed during the site visit process. They are mainly located on the ground floor of buildings and contain diverse services: food market, workshops, commercial shops and kiosks. Though, the services are mainly accessible and existing within the wider streets of Ezbet Bekhit. The inner streets lack accessibility to service due to the narrow street widths which disable the flexibility of services. However, due to the lack of legislation, authority approvals and absence in taxes payment of the following enterprise type; this type of economic activities are termed as informal economy. Furthermore, founded by Interviews with Bekhit residents, it’s noted that the earned income of resident’s ranges 2000 – 5000 LE, which is relative according to the type and location of enterprise.
B. Wage employment in informal enterprises
The term wage employment is interconnected to the labour legislation of workers that are employed in family-owned enterprises in Ezbet Bekhit. However, it’s categorized under the term informal due to the absence in the provision of secure contracts, beneficial worker rights, social protection, health insurance and life insurance. The wage employment in Ezbet Bekhit suffers from the absence of regulated documented and protection by accessible and officially authorized regulatory frameworks. The workers are mainly consisting of: Domestic workers, Construction labor, Retail & business or unemployed.
Figure 5. Bakery shop in the ground floor of a 3-floor residential apartment (Source: Author)
Figure 6. Informal economic activities in Ezbet Bekhit (Source:Author)
3.4.1 The Economic Activity in Hay El Zabaleen
The economy of Hay El Zabaleen mainly relies on the collection and the recycling of Cairo’s garbage. Economic activities are mainly based on either recycling or collections workshops. Also, other small enterprise businesses that are not garbage related exist within the area. However, the majority of residents’ main incomes are relying on the collection or recycling of different garbage materials. Each workshop consists of its own set of complex procedures, which highlights the diversity of economic activities that takes place within the area of Hay El Zabaleen.
The rate of unemployment is extremely low in Zabaleen community, which is mainly due to the ease of accessibility to job opportunities within the area. This is mainly connected to the presence of a community-representative within the area which allows for collaborations with external connections such as NGOs and the government to take place.
3.4.2 Semi-Informal Income Activities
Based on the interviews conducted, many residents in Hay El Zabaleen work in a semi-formal manner or already have a registered recognition by the state. However, it is termed as semi-informal due to the absence of official contract or involves medical and social insurance which don’t comply with the legal labor laws.
A. Micro-Credit/NGOs Funding
One of donors that contributed to funding projects within the area Hay El Zabaleen were Ford Foundation, they donated a vast amount of money to the NGO Association of Garbage Collectors for Community Development (A.G.C.C.D). Subsequently, collectors were introduced to various grinding machines to enhance and upgrade their collection processes and techniques. Moreover, due to the lack of skills available among the residents in Hay El Zabaleen, this caused companies to contact community-representative of the area to collaborate with them and introduce skill learning. Also, Environmental Quality International NGO (E.Q.I) hired a company to train the residents of Zabaleen in terms of the mechanism of machinery.
The loan procedure required residents to apply for loan forms which acquired the following points: an application that questions the accessibility of electricity, assets and space available within household for the installment of machines. The process is followed by hiring a specialist from the funding programs; that would inspect the recipients’ household area to make sure of the compatibleness of the area. Furthermore, the machinery is distributed among the accepted cases depending on the area’s condition. Also, the monthly assigned loans are granted to recipients with terms and conditions to abide by. The (E.Q.I) requested specialists to provide the residents with a one-month training session in order to understand the mechanism of machinery. Another NGO that assisted in funding and employability was the Associate for the Protection of the Environment (A.P.E). The development process started educating females in forming future businesses. The A.P.E is known for its rug-weaving projects, paper recycling and other developments that are exhibited in the gift shops within the A.P.E area. The initiative of the project started by training females in the weaving and patch work processes. Which allowed for the increase of trainees and talents. After the products are completed, they are set for sale to tourists and residents of Hay El Zabaleen. In return, a monthly income was handed to the female contributors.
B. Employment
A minor percentage of residents within Hay El Zabaleen are working in the public sector. The variety of employment include activities such as: taxi drivers, formal registered pharmacy (in Zabaleen), or working in the shops of Attaba (clothes or supermarket or employed in the public hospitals Sheikh Zayed Hospital or Demerdash.
3.4.3 Informal Income Activities
Residents of Hay El Zabaleen perform a set of informal economic activities which is estimated to be dominant activity within the area as shown in (Figure 7.). Moreover, informal income activities are categorized into two different categories the first includes self-employed in unregistered enterprise and the second includes the wage employment; the categorization is necessary to distinguish between the diversity of informality which occurs in both aspects. Moreover, the rationale behind the unauthorized registration is due to complicated procedures that are acquired to be completed in order to obtain the formal registry license.
A. Self-employment in small, unregistered enterprises
Figure 7. Section of the Residential & Plastic Recycling Factory in Hay El Zabaleen (Source: Author)
The complexity of the informal sector is a result of the diverse composition of actors, behavioral patterns and locations. Hay El Zabaleen consists of varying activities that are mainly located in the ground floor of buildings along the streets: food market, recycling and collection garbage workshops, commercial shops and kiosks.
However, the services are mainly accessible and existing within the wider streets of Hay El Zabaleen. The inner streets lack accessibility to services due to the narrow street situation that restrict the flow of services. Therefore, only garbage collection and recycling workshops exist within the inner narrow streets.
However, due to the lack of legislation and authority approvals and absence in taxes payment of the following enterprise type, they are characterized under the type of informal economy. In reference to the Interviews with Zabaleen residents that the following activities add a vast income that range between 10000 – 15000 LE based on the type and location of enterprise.
B. Wage Employment in Informal Enterprises
Based on the interviews and observations conducted in Hay El Zabaleen, wage employment is interconnected to labour legislation that are workers to family-owned enterprises in Zabaleen area. However, residents claim that it lacks in the provision of secure contracts, beneficial worker rights, social protection, health insurance and life insurance. A wage employment in Hay Zabaleen suffers from the absence of regulated, documented, protection by the authorized regulatory frameworks that are considered in an income producing enterprise. The wage employment in the area consists of recyclers, garbage collectors, retails & business, scavengers, construction workers and garbage recyclers.
4.1 Social Structure
The increased rate of rural to urban migration resulted in the increase of the population density and tremendous expansions rates within both areas. Furthermore, the difference between both areas in the aspect of the social ties is immense. In the case of Hay El Zabaleen, it’s clear that the social ties among the residents are strong due to the interviews conducted; this is because residents of Hay El Zabaleen constructed their own community-based organizations; an individual is elected to represent the community of Hay El Zabaleen. This is mainly because the residents share the same cultural norms, religious beliefs (90% are Coptic) which impacted the enlargement of their economic opportunities and population density of the area. Also, the existence of community-based organization enabled the access of NGO contribution within the area; it also allowed the access of international organizations and donors to discuss and implement the needs of the community through the presence of community-based organization within the area.
However, on the contrary the case of Ezbet Bekhit; it’s understandable that the social ties among the residents are weak in reference to the interviews conducted; the residents share diverse cultural norms and religious beliefs. The strong interpersonal ties exist between family members but absent within the area of Ezbet Bekhit. The area also lacks from community-based organizations which allow for the contribution of NGOs and other stakeholders. It’s clearly understood that the contribution of stakeholders within each area is contrasting, due to the effect of social ties and the presence of community-based organizations.
4.2 Economic Activity
As previously discussed, the main economic activity that takes place in Hay el Zabaleen is the garbage collection and recycling which creates countless job opportunities for residents living within Zabaleen area, due to the ease of access to employment opportunities in the area and the diverse activities that take place within the area. This is also as a result of the contributions provided by the NGOs through training labors in Hay El Zabaleen; in order to enhance their garbage collection processes by the provision of Micro-credit funds. Therefore, the unemployment rate in Hay El Zabaleen is low. In Ezbet Bekhit the main income is provided by small enterprise businesses. Micro-funding projects have been provided in Bekhit by NGOs but it failed because residents in Bekhit lack in skills and the provision of training services. Which therefore highlights the high unemployment rates present within the area of Ezbet Bekhit.
The economic activity in Hay El Zabaleen is stronger and more successful than the case of Ezbet Bekhit. This is due to the presence of the community-based organization and the increased contribution of NGOs within the area of Hay El Zabaleen; thus, this allowed for training sessions to take place there and the micro-credit finance system was observed to be successful. Therefore, it enhanced the labor skills of the residents within Hay El Zabaleen. This explain why the unemployment rates are low in Hay El Zabaleen. In contrary, the absence of community-based organizations within the area of Ezbet Bekhit limited the contribution of NGOs within the area, which resulted in the lack of provision in training sessions to the residents of the area, which made it extremely difficult for residents to compensate the given loans by the micro-credit fund systems. Therefore, this explain why the employment rates in Ezbet Bekhit are lower in comparison to employment rates in Hay El Zabaleen.
The development of this paper established that informal settlements restrain diverse complexities within the existing nature of the settlement. Therefore, this paper mainly highlights and provides an understanding to the diversity, complexity and dynamics of informal areas. Consequently, the development of the Analytical tool was formed to be able to examine the underlying aspects and complexities of informality. Out of a parallel study for different theories and the two case studies, I concluded that the informality is a complex system that is continuously interchanging through various dimensions that must be examined. Therefore, it is important to comprehensively conclude based on the theories provoked from the discussion, case study and literature review sections. Therefore, the following aspects have showed the strongest effect within informal areas in light of the social and economic dimension.
5.1 Social Integration
A. Social Ties
The social ties within informal areas are a crucial issue that affects the resolution process of community problems, specially at the individual level. Informal areas that consist of strong social ties are more likely to engage in informal social control actions for significant problems. However, in the contrary informal areas that consist of weak personal ties disengage themselves from the process of problems resolution. Therefore, it’s concluded that the engagement or disengagement process of individuals are impacted by the social ties among community member within informal areas.
B. Stakeholders Integration
The analysis of social ties among community members in informal settlements points to the development of complex processes of stakeholder’s involvement and recognition. Informal settlement that consists of strong interpersonal social ties among residents result in the establishment of community-based organizations.
It’s concluded that the existence of community-based organizations resulted in a higher level of stakeholder’s contribution, in terms of providing and discussing the community needs and services. In the contrary, Informal settlement that suffer from weak interpersonal social ties among residents lead to the deficiency of community-based organizations. It’s concluded that the weak interpersonal social ties resulted in a low level of stakeholder’s contribution, that lacks in providing and discussing the community needs and services.
To sum up, it’s crucial to point out that the aspect of social ties is not the only factor that affects the social organization within informal areas. Furthermore, the social organization is associated by the involvement of diverse aspects that shape the complexities of informality.
5.2 Stakeholders Financial Integration
The mechanism of Micro-Credit finance system influence in the alleviation of livelihood status, diversifying economic activities, training sessions, and creating job opportunities of informal residents, as a result its significance must not be ignored. However, there are multiple challenges that hinder the effects of Micro-credit finance systems within informal settlements.
A. The value of Training Sessions
The concentration of income generation along with the absence of labour skills and training sessions within informal areas, resulted in a negative dynamics of micro-credit funding systems; Thus, this impacted the residents in providing the minimal given loans to compensate micro-credit funding institutions. In the contrary, the concentration of training sessions for labours, followed by the techniques of obtaining income generation within informal areas, resulted in a positive dynamics of micro-credit funding systems; thus, the outcome positively encouraged the income generations, job opportunities and livelihood aspects of residents within informal settlements.
B. Stakeholders Contribution
Micro-credit is also affected by the social ties within informal areas is a crucial issue that impacted the degree of contribution by micro-credit finance systems, especially in a technical level. Informal settlement that consists of strong interpersonal social ties among residents result in the establishment of community-based organizations. It’s concluded that the existence of community-based organizations resulted in a higher level of micro-credit finance systems contribution, by providing basic needs in terms of essential training sessions.
In the contrary, Informal settlement that suffer from weak interpersonal social ties among residents led to the deficiency of community-based organizations. It’s concluded that the weak interpersonal social ties resulted in a low level of micro-credit finance systems contribution that lacks in providing basic needs in terms of essential training sessions. To conclude, it’s crucial to point out that the micro-credit funding system is dependent on multiple factors that set the complex measurement of failure or success modes of such system.
C. Economic Integration
The organic/irregular patterns of informal areas affect the community’s economic activities and engagement with the space itself. Consequently, the patterns of narrow/organic streets impact the engagement of economic activities that take place within informal settlements; thus, the following areas represented weak dynamics of economic integration and space engagement. This is due to the lack of availability in space within the narrow street forms thus, disables the practice of any form of economic activity.
In the contrary, the patterns of wider organic street patterns encourage the engagement of economic activities that take place within informal settlements; thus, the following areas represented strong dynamics of economic integration and space engagement. This is due to the availability in space within the wider street forms thus, enables the practice of diverse forms of economic activity. To conclude, it’s important to recognize how the diverse street patterns vastly impacts the occurrence of economic activities which are carried out by residents in informal areas.
This paper has been presented at the Conference “AGORA CAUMME 2020 – Mediterranean: Between Expansion and Regeneration” and selected by the Conference Scientific Committee to be published in the SPACE International Journal of Space Studies in Architecture and Urban Design. Peer review under the responsibility of the scientific committee of AGORA CAUMME 2020.
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No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Lamis Mohamed Abdullah
Hussam Samir Hussein Salama
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