Hagar Faggal
Faculty of Architecture and Fine Arts, Girne American University, CypruRight after WWII, informalities within Cairo evolved gradually, forming 70% of today’s urban spaces and 50% of the Egyptian economy. This paper aims to review the policies that triggered this growth over time, arguing that the incrementally implemented Politics of Neglect in Cairo shapes today’s severe urban segregation in the city. Furtherly, adopt the current pandemic crisis to address the effect of informal labour on the city as a whole: the rich and the poor. Thus, asserting that the pandemic crisis must be a junction to reassess the Egyptian urban policies’ approaches and target groups in contemplation of attaining Social Inclusion in Cairo. The paper is developed by analysing the historical trajectory and evolutional map analysis of Cairo’s urban growth and examining the quantitative data of informal economy growth rates in Egypt. Accordingly, correlating data to understand the evolution of informality in relation to the cumulative policies applied in the city.
Cairo, the largest city in Africa, is the major economic attraction centre in Egypt. Since the 1950s, Egyptians from all over the country have been in-migrating to the capital city, searching for employment opportunities. Thus, an excessive boost of the city population took place. As the Egyptian planning authorities fail to provide sufficient and affordable housing that accommodates the city’s growing populates, self-built informal settlements started emerging and rapidly growing throughout the city and its peripheries. Today, “informality” in Cairo is not limited to the city’s spatial structure. It is a word that best describes the situation in Cairo observed in so many elements; human behaviour, informal practices, slums, breadwinning techniques and everyday life. In parallel, formal communities and gated compounds have been developing to meet the higher-class demand in society, and these gentrification processes have been highly intensive. As the city grew with the high hierarchy of spatial, economic, and social structures, the ultimate segregated and fragmented society scene was formed. The paper addresses the relationships and impacts of the Egyptian urban policies on creating urban segregation by applying The Politics of Neglect.
This paper is discussed based on an urban theoretical basis and the specific qualitative and quantitative analysis and urban reflections of Cairo.
Politics of Neglect?
Throughout history, governments and institutions in power use different techniques and approaches in generating policies and legalisations for planning nations, cities and communities. Nevertheless, not the whole society is granted the credits of existence in the cities/areas/settlements planned by the governments. A vast crowd needs to self-build their territories to provide their shelters. As the ruling authorities are constantly in favour of different groups in society, a massive public is always left out. The state’s target of profitability, rather than service-providing, generates Clientelism order and politics of elite and individuals, which plays a significant role in social exclusion and the segregation of space and urbanism. (Dorman 2007)
In his book, Bernard Frieden argues that most of those who envisioned better management of urban developments were more bothered with the satisfaction of certain societies living in the cities rather than attaining the basic principles of rule and capability. Adding that the governance of the post-WWII rapid urbanisation failed to achieve a ‘sense of community’. (Frieden 1975)
The lack of future anticipation, together with the government-society disengagement, results in the public’s needs preceding the government’s plans and interventions. Additionally, seeing new urban developments by the state disharmonising and contradicting the public’s needs proves the disconnection between the state and the society. (Dorman 2007)
Familiarisation of Space
As these new formal urban developments are proceeded by governments, Nihal Perera explains this conflict between people and state in his prominent theory. He clarifies that not only the upper planning authorities shape cities but also ordinary people intervene at different levels. More worthy spaces are created by people informally in between the formal plans of cities, according to the people’s everyday lives. As people settle in certain areas, they start bringing in their cultures and practices, which helps them adapt to the site and furtherly intervene in its formation by their daily activities. Informal tactics of different elements help in the adaptation of space in addition to creating valuable, efficient spaces for the inhabitants. (Perera 2009)
3.1. Pre-1952
Up until 1952, housing in Cairo was non-problematic. The city attained sufficient, well-planned housing and viable transportation systems making Cairo a crucial centre of fine architecture and urban landscapes in the world. Cairo has been titled “The most beautiful city in the world” in 1925. At that time, the planning systems mainly relied on the private sector. (Aboneama 2018)
3.2. Post-WWII Era
An outbreak took place in 1952, and can be traced in figure 1, when the post-Second World War massive in-migration to Cairo arose from rural cities of the Delta in Northern Egypt and Upper Egypt in the South. This in-migration corresponded with President Gamal Abdel-Nasser’s immense industrialisation policy, where the economy was significantly shifted to industrial developments. This policy generated huge employment potentials around the city, which activated the rural in-migration to Cairo. President Abdel-Nasser formed a socialist state, where the public sector was the main and almost only authorising sector. (Khalifa 2015) As the city attracted employment-seekers from all-over the country, informal urbanisation was catalysed on the urban fringes of the city. In 1960, people started buying agricultural lands surrounding the city as they are cheaper. The farmers owning these lands found that the land sale is way more profitable than their agricultural profitability, which prompted the rural-urban transformation. Hence, the government announced a new regulation banning un-planned construction over agrarian plots. Additionally, in that period, President Abdel-Nasser’s populist housing policy, intending to offer public housing to the populace, was applied. However, both the construction ban and the populist housing policies were inadequate to cope with the growth rate of the period, which reached 5.04% ( Macro Trends 2020) forming one of the highest growth rates Cairo ever faced and wasn’t enough to accommodate the low-income families that moved to the city. (Séjourné 2009)
Another social response towards insufficient housing was what’s known as the ‘putting hands on’ technique of occupying land, where the low-income communities develop a shelter for themselves on government-owned lands. Families who could not afford agricultural land values, illegally constructed their housings on desert lands, which exceeded the informal settlements to sprawl not only on the farming fringes but also through the desert. (Séjourné 2009)
3.3. Egypt-Israel War
Between 1967 and 1973, Egypt’s main concern was defeating Israel and freeing the Egyptian occupied lands. Therefore, the country experienced a remarkable decline in social housing funds as most of the economic possessions were set for the military. What added to this, when President Anwar Al-Sadat overruled in 1970, the private sector took over and made some minor investments that met the upper-class’ demand and neglected the lower and middle class. (Khalifa 2015) Therefore, the informal real estate sector fulfilled the poor and middle-class needs, speeding up illegal construction growth until forming 84% of the newly constructed urbanisation. (Séjourné 2009) This period was the major outbreak of the informal economy in Egypt due to its high unemployment rate. The informal sector consisted mainly of small-scale traders and crafts workers, forming 20% of Egypt’s economy. (Abdou, Sherif, and Adawy 2018)
Figure 1: Urban development of Cairo and the Greater Cairo Region, 1951-2020
3.4. Post 1973 Victory
After the Egyptian triumph against the Israeli army in 1973, President Sadat generated a new economic liberalisation policy or the ‘Open Door Economic Policy’ in 1974. This conversion from a public controlled economy to a new liberal market resulted in the privatisation process where both the public and private actors engaged in formulating the country’s housing policies, but the private sector was the main actor of the era. At that time, both sectors mainly concentrated on developing luxurious housing for the higher-middle and high-class society, and profitability became their primary target. Concurrently, neither of the sectors provided rental housing projects for the populace. Thus, the low income and some middle-class communities were again left with no choice other than to build their homes which leads the city to informal urbanisation. (Khalifa 2015)
This period also interfaced with the significant oil prosperous in proximate gulf Arab countries as Kuwait, Libya, Saudi Arabia and Iraq, which were in need of immense labour force. Therefore, a significant percentage of Egyptians migrated to these countries for well-payed employment opportunities, who then used their gained money to invest in informal construction developments.
In 1977, the New Towns Policy was declared by President Al-Sadat as a way to resolve the issue of urbanisation in Cairo and other Egyptian cities. President Sadat aimed to cease the urban development’s emergent on the agricultural lands. Hence, the plan of the new policy was shuffling the new urban and housing developments to the desert lands on the city’s peripheries instead of the agricultural fringes. However, the new urban projects developed on the desert fringes were mostly wealthy, expensive residences and gated communities offered for the higher-class societies of the city. It by no means met the public’s demand and had no impact on eliminating rapid urban growth. (Séjourné 2009) Segregated interest and tax economic policies among the sectors and land types/ locations were generated in parallel, which significantly increased GDP growth. On the other hand, these policies had a negative influence on the employment growth rate as the application of these policies only desired entities and employees with closer connections to the public authorities. (Vishwanath 2014)
3.5. Mubarak’s Era
After the death of President Al-Sadat, former President Hosni Mubarak started ruling the country in 1981. During that time, the growth of new informal urban areas in Cairo declined. This decline could mainly be justified by the Iraq-Iran war that started in 1980 until 1988, and the oil price drop resulting in the reduction of the Egyptian emigration rate to the gulf countries. Besides, the rural-urban influx to Cairo has terminated. The demographic growth rate of Cairo has consequently decreased to 1.9% annual growth after experiencing a 2.8% yearly increase in the prior decade. (Séjourné 2009) However, despite the city’s demographic decrease, the existing informal settlement zones continued to expand and develop internally. During President Mubarak’s era, the government produced new firm legalisations to end the informal and unplanned urbanisation, as the Military Decrees, prohibiting encroachment on agricultural lands. Additionally, the government implemented the Privatisation Policy, which declined the role of the public sector. The privatisation Policy also decreased the affordable housing availability in the country. (Khalifa 2015) It affected the spatial development approaches and the financial industry, where the main employment opportunities were limited to the private sector, causing a good percentage of public sector employees to lose their jobs and positions. Thus, together with low expertise and poor educational background, they referred to informal jobs for surviving and providing basic needs for their families. The effects and implications of the policy on informal labour continued from the 19th century forward till the 21st century. In 1998, 69% of the new economy entries was informal, increasing the informal economy percentage of the Egyptian GDP by 8%, raising it to 68%. (Kus 2014)
Between 1886 and 1996, the annual demographic growth rate of legal settlements formed only 0.3% while reaching a 3.4% growth rate of informal urbanisation. It was previously expected to reach a 1.1% formal and 3.2% informal annual growth rate; however,, the informal growth reality exceeded the expected statistics. This tremendous informal growth can mainly be justified by the fact that the government’s first actual program planned for the informal settlements only started implementing in 1994. In 1992, the government adopted national fundraising specified for the upgrading of urban territories. A national survey began in 1993 to analyse the country’s informal settlements and create a systematic approach for their improvement. The studied and identified informal settlements in Egypt were then categorised into areas in the necessity of displacement and others in need of enhancement strategies. Accordingly, a multiple-stage phase plan was established, and the first phase was `applied to start 1994 till 2004, intending to offer basic infrastructural amenities to the slum areas as water access, sewerage systems and electricity. Streetscape landscape interventions were also part of the plan, including tree-plantations and pavement of the roads and paths. The second phase was so-called as ‘Informal settlements belting program’, focusing on plans restricting the further sprawl and growth of these settlements. This plan fundamentally succeeded in providing 352 out of 1221 informal areas with water, hygienic, electricity, sewage and street-paving services. On the other hand, the plan was short of managing the issue of property tenure sanctuary. It also missed applying the ‘community participation’ concept and interfering with the inhabitants of the settlements in the planning of their livelihood areas. (Khalifa 2015) It’s argued that the paving of the settlement’s road and streets were mainly attained to grant access for the police to enter the areas and enable circulation by their vehicles, especially after the Siege of Imbaba event in 1992. Imbaba is an informal settlement of 1 million inhabitants on Cairo’s rural peripheries, which faced an immense police force attacking the area in late 1992 due to the presence of Islamist militant groups settling in the settlement; triggering the government to provide access for its troops to access these areas when necessary. (Dorman 2007)
Between 1998 and 2017, it was expected that densities in Cairo would be better managed as the New Towns project would attract almost half of the city’s population. However, this wasn’t achieved as the new projects were developed in desert areas far from Cairo’s centre, making it hard for most of the people to move to areas far from the job places and daily settled lives, especially that these new settlements lacked public amenities and economic potentials. (Piffero 2013)
In Mubarak’s era, Egypt’s unemployment rate experienced many fluctuations, showing the highest rates between 1993-1995 and 2003-2006, as shown in figure 2. The rates started noticeably decreasing until the beginning of 2011. (Kus 2014) Besides, the government restricted the informal breadwinning techniques that people create in the streets and public spaces. For instance, the areas that street vendors were allowed to occupy and use were limited, and temporary vendors in public places were eliminated by force when observed. (Ravazzoli and Toso 2013)
Figure 2: Unemployment as percentage of total labour (Abdou, Sherif, and Adawy 2018)
In 2008, an unfortunate disaster took place in Doweia Informal Settlement, which lies on the Mokattam Hills in south-eastern Cairo, where a rock on the edge of the hill collapsed, resulting in over 100 death and injury cases. (Sabry 2012) Accordingly, a presidential announcement of the ISDF (Informal Settlements Development Funds) sponsored by the government took place later in the same year, aiming to deal with the slums and informal settlements throughout Cairo. Together with the UUU (Urban Planning Units) entity, ISDF targeted creating a National Map of Slums for upgrading, institutionalism and decentralisation. (Alfiky and Misselwitz 2015) The ISDF worked on various projects with the Egyptian Ministry of Housing and national authorities to ‘achieve social justice and ensure citizens. When working on informal settlements upgrading plans, ISDF started by prioritising the settlements categorised as unsafe areas according to the classification done with the collaboration of each neighbourhood’s administration, where the relocation methodology was used to move people to safer zones. (Ezz 2018) However, a great dispute was raised, arguing that there was no sense for the displacement activity. It was argued that the authorities did not consider wisely the impacts of relocation on the inhabitants. It was also claimed the government demolished some structures that were not under security threat. (Farid 2019)
3.6. Post-2011 Revolution
On 25th January 2011, the Egyptian revolution burst out due to various background triggers, as the rule inheritance of power, election fraud, police violence, inequality, poverty, low quality of life and unemployment. At that time, despite the government’s various ‘efforts’ to manage the informal settlements in the country and especially in Cairo, the slums and un-planned areas reached a peak of low living standards and in-humane conditions. The revolution’s main ambitions were better life quality, freedom and social justice. (Green 2011) In February, former President Mubarak resigned his presidential position, and the country faced a period of chaos and un-control. The revolution caused an intense decline in the employment rate. The short boost of the unemployment rate increased the devotion to the informal market and higher numbers of informal labourers. (Kus 2014) However, the revolution broke the fear of police power, making the informal labour’s practices more applicable for street vendors and other activities. This period gave people the opportunity to exploit the streets, public spaces and sidewalks like never before. Additionally, informal labourers started creating new kinds of spaces that support their everyday life and practices. (Ravazzoli and Toso 2013)
As the country experienced political instability, fluctuating rulings and rapid change in governance throughout a long period after the revolution, housing and planning strategies were not active. After former President Mohamed Morsi started ruling the country in 2012, he stated that Egypt faced around 600,000 new unauthorised construction cases since the revolution. (Sabry 2012) As President Morsi only ruled for one year approximately, no efficient policies implementations were recognised. After the current President Abdel-Fatah El-Sisi replaced him in 2013, in June 2014, the Ministry of Urban Renewal and Informal Settlements was introduced by the President. The Ministry was given charge of fulfilling the Constitution Article 78 created earlier in the same year, January 2014.
The article involves the government starting a plan of intervention for the un-planned slum areas. Nevertheless, the plan only indicated Egypt’s slums as a ‘problem’ that needs to be addressed while highlighting the poor quality of life for their inhabitants that needs to be improved. In addition to some indication of their need for facilities, amenities and infrastructural interventions. It’s argued that the article didn’t collectively consider the un-planned and un-regulated areas in the county as a whole within different classes of the community but limited the subject of informal settlements to the lower-income class zones. (Tadamun 2014)
In 2015, President El-Sisi announced the beginning of the construction of the New Administrative Capital mega project. This project created a vast debate in Egyptian street. A considerable party argues that the establishment of a completely new city centrality is repeating history. Even though the project’s plan contains housing zones, the proposed housing units are far beyond the average citizen’s affordability. As the new lands have extremely high values, they’re expected to be occupied by higher class societies, applying similar approaches to the successive Neo-Liberal plans implemented in the city. Thus, it is likely that lower income groups will again develop informal housing around the New Capital for cheaper land values. Another argument also indicates the difficulty for individuals and families who work in the centre of Cairo to travel this distance daily for work, as the project lies 45 km east of the city. (Pinto 2018)
Figure 3: The Spatial Distribution of Different Areas in Cairo. (Failedarchitecture.com 2015)
Today, the informal sector shapes 50% of the Egyptian economy. (EgyptToday 2019) As discussed, this percentage is the result of accumulated factors of unemployment. A notable number of informal dwellers are either illiterate or have a poor educational background, preventing them from having a good employment opportunity. Additionally, the fact that the Privatisation process of Neoliberalism prioritises employees of close connection to the state members lessened the chance for the rest of the society to be granted official job opportunities. Hence, informal labour has been the survival method by a massive range of poor communities and in-migrants for breadwinning. (Alfiky and Misselwitz 2015)
The informal labour in Cairo includes ‘informal employment’ in the formal sector, where some people are employed unofficially with no contracts. Unfortunately, this leads the informal employees to experience a high level of manipulation and exploitation as the employers have the power to expel these workers at any time. (Mahdi 2002) Another type of informal labour in Cairo is the informal daily breadwinning tactics and activities in the city’s streetscapes; including diverse street vendors, toktok and minibus drivers etc. (Ravazzoli and Toso 2013) Some of these vendors are daily wage farmers who work on the agricultural peripheries of Greater Cairo and sell their produced vegetables and fruits in Cairo’s streets. (Ravazzoli and Toso 2013)
1.1. Challenges & Responses
The global Covid19 pandemic outbroke in Egypt on 14th February 2020. (EgyptToday 2019) When the virus started to spread rapidly, on 24th March the state announced a nighttime curfew starting 8 PM to 6 AM with up to 4000 Egyptian Pound fine for regulation-breakers. Later, the curfew changed to start at 5 PM and became stricter. The closure of airports, schools and different institutions was announced, and employees were subject to stay home. Some companies/institutions resumed work online, and others did not. Admitting the marginalisation experienced by the informal labourers in Egypt, their situation in the lockdown must be considered, as they do not have the delight of staying home. When people gained their salaries whilst staying home, the lockdown has however meant eliminated daily income for most of the informal sector. Expectedly, a massive crowd of informal workers did not abide by the lockdown rules and proceeded for breadwinning. Since the government does not back them up, there is no mean of survival not going to work for few days. (Fareed 2020) It’s argued that during the lockdown of the 2011 Revolution, the informal sector is what sustained the country’s economy as people continued to sell their different products in the streets. Mainly because low-income communities depend on their affordable products. (Dahshan 2020) Technically, not only the low-income communities depend on the informal sector’s products, but they’ve become a service and product provider for the whole Egyptian community. Middle and high-class societies also depend on informal labour through their daily lives. Home cleaners, security guards, daily wage farmers were providing fresh fruits, vegetables, and others. However, the middle and high-class groups could survive longer during the lockdown as their salaries are maintained, live in low-dense neighbourhoods with attained independent amenities and water access, provided with private high standardised hospitals that they can afford. On the other hand, low-income communities and informal labourers will not endure without their earnings from the rest of the society, live in overpopulated, unmanaged settlements. A good percentage of informal settlements lack water access; making a lot of people use the Nile and other sources for bringing in water from common areas, which makes them more vulnerable to catch the virus quickly. Additionally, free public hospitals lack basic hygiene, essential utilities and expertise, also making the virus’ impacts more viable for the poor. (Fathalla 2020)
The government’s notable response towards informal labourers is a 500 LE (Egyptian Pound) monthly compensation for all non-registered workers. This amount stands for 31.74 Dollars per month, which is, by all means, insufficient for a whole family to survive without additional income. The lowest regular monthly payment for workers is 2000 LE, and it barely covers their monthly necessities. It’s also claimed that many irregular workers weren’t able to receive the money as they were always told to come later, but for a lot, the money was never gained. (TheNewArab 2020)
Perceiving Cairo’s segregated situation, it is evident that the successive Egyptian governments failed to achieve efficient planning policies in the city. Neo-Liberal ideologies to the Egyptian power gave birth to fragmented urban policies that affected the local economy and built environment. The Privatisation method in Egypt and Greater Cairo created the sprawl of gated communities and informal settlements. Neoliberalism and the free market economy allowed specific individuals (especially landowners) to earn more profit. It did not help people who don’t own private lands to be supported by the government. The policies only favoured a particular class of the community while tremendously neglecting the more vulnerable and in need of aid. This phenomenon resulted in two highly contradicting aspects; the growth of self-built and informal settlements on the private agricultural lands, and the development of entire cities throughout the desert; creating the current segregated scene.
As the consecutive trail explains the various Politics of Neglect experienced by Greater Cairo, it is acknowledged how the government marginalises and abandons specific society sectors. The ongoing pandemic crisis sheds light on how the rich and the poor need each other in the community. It sheds even more light on the informal dwellers and labourers’ vulnerability and their exclusion from the state’s welfare. The fact that the government needed to generate a new policy for a particular group of people to survive through a specific timeframe proves their negligence in the regular time. Therefore, the pandemic crisis should be used as a junction to reassess the acts towards informality and the segregated groups in Cairo, processing to engage them ‘inclusively’ within the society, with equal rights, aid and support.
This paper has been presented at the Conference “AGORA CAUMME 2020 – Mediterranean: Between Expansion and Regeneration” and selected by the Conference Scientific Committee to be published in the SPACE International Journal of Space Studies in Architecture and Urban Design. Peer review under the responsibility of the scientific committee of AGORA CAUMME 2020.
Abdou, Doaa M Salman, Nadeen Sherif, and El Adawy. (2018). “Signals and Policies Required for Informal Markets : Evidence from Egypt & Signals and Policies Required for Informal Markets : Evidence from Egypt & China,” no. September.
Alfiky, Mohammed, and Philipp Misselwitz. (2015). “Development Priorities In Cairo Informal Areas Planning,” no. November 2018. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329254071_Development_Priorities_in_Informal_Areas_Planning_Realization_and_Local_Perceptions_DEVEPER
Dahshan, Mohamed el. (2020). “Coronavirus: How Is Egypt Navigating the Economic Fallout?”. https://www.theafricareport.com/29007/coronavirus-how-is-egypt-navigating-the-economic-fallout/
Dorman, W Judson. (2007). “The Politics Of Neglect: The Egyptian State in Cairo, 1974-98,” 307. https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/155/1/Dorman_Politics_of_Neglect.pdf
EgyptToday. (2019). “Egypt Today.” 2019. https://www.egypttoday.com/Article/3/68388/Informal-economy-exceeds-50-of-Egyptian-economy.
Ezz, Mohamed. (2018). “How Egypt Deals with Informal Areas.” https://timep.org/commentary/analysis/how-egypt-deals-with-informal-areas/
Failedarchitecture.com. (2015). “Capital Cairo: A Regime of Graphics – Failed Architecture.” 2015. https://failedarchitecture.com/capital-cairo-a-regime-of-graphics/
Fareed, Doaa. (2020). “Millions of Egyptians out in the Streets despite Coronavirus Lockdown.” 2020. https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2020/04/egypt-lockdown-coronavirus-economic-irregular-workers.html
Frieden, B.J., Marshall, K. (1975). The Politics of Neglect : Urban Aid from Model Cities to Revenue Sharing. Cambridge Mas.: The MIT Press. ISBN:978026206061
Khalifa, Marwa A. (2015). “Evolution of Informal Settlements Upgrading Strategies in Egypt: From Negligence to Participatory Development.” Ain Shams Engineering Journal 6 (4): 1151–59. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.asej.2015.04.008.
Kus, Basak. 2014. “The Informal Road to Markets: Neoliberal Reforms, Private Entrepreneurship and the Informal Economy in Turkey.” International Journal of Social Economics 41 (4): 278–93. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSE-11-2012-0209.
Perera, Nihal. 2009. People’s Spaces: Familiarization, Subject Formation and Emergent Spaces in Colombo. Planning Theory. Vol. 8. https://doi.org/10.1177/1473095208099298.
Ravazzoli, Elisa, and Stefania Toso. 2013. “Spatial Relations of Informal Practices in Cairo Streetscape.” Paper Presented at the International RC21 Conference 2013 Session 09: Urban [in] Formality: Tensions, Conflicts and Breakups in the Struggle to Belong, no. August: 29–31.
Séjourné, Marion. 2009. “The History of Informal Settlements.” In Cairo’s Informal Areas Between Urban Challenges and Hidden Potentials. https://www.academia.edu/5000667/Cairos_Informal_Areas_Between_Urban_Challenges_and_Hidden_Potentials
TheNewArab. 2020. “Egypt’s Informal Workers Say Government Coronavirus Aid Not Enough to See Them through Crisis.” 2020. https://english.alaraby.co.uk.
Vishwanath, Tara. 2014. “Arab Republic of Egypt More Jobs , Better Jobs : A Priority for Egypt,” no. 88447: 222. http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2014/10/24/000350881_20141024080250/Rendered/PDF/884470EG0repla00Box385343B00PUBLIC0.pdf.
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Hagar Faggal
Sign in to continue
Not a member yet? Sign up now
Administrative Assistant
Deniz Bol is the Administrative Assistant at SPACE Studies, where she supports the day-to-day operations and contributes to the smooth functioning of the organization. Alongside her administrative role, Deniz is an artist with a passion for creative expression. She is currently pursuing her studies at the University of the Arts London (UAL), where she continues to develop her artistic practice. Her organizational skills, paired with her artistic background, make her a valuable asset to the SPACE Studies team, helping bridge the worlds of administration and creativity.
E-mail: denizbol@spacestudies.co.uk
Digital Marketing Consultant
Murat Oktay is the Digital Marketing Consultant at SPACE Studies, where he provides strategic guidance to enhance our digital presence and community engagement. With a keen eye for digital marketing trends and best practices, Murat plays a key role in refining our content strategy, expanding our online reach, and connecting with a wider audience. His expertise in digital tools and innovative marketing techniques aligns with SPACE Studies’ mission as a social enterprise, ensuring that our campaigns are impactful and resonate with our commitment to social responsibility in architecture and design. Outside his work with SPACE Studies, Murat stays at the forefront of digital marketing advancements, continually exploring new tools and sharing his insights with peers.
E-mail: muratoktay@spacestudies.co.uk
Marketing Manager
Santa Noella Matabaro is the Marketing Manager of SPACE Studies, bringing her expertise in strategic planning, community engagement, and relationship-building to the organization’s mission as a social enterprise. With a background in Politics & Law from the University of Kent, Santa combines analytical insights with a creative approach to advancing SPACE Studies’ vision of fostering interdisciplinary dialogue in architecture, design, and urban planning. In her role, she develops targeted campaigns and strategic partnerships, building brand presence and fostering meaningful connections with the community. Santa’s collaborative and people-centered approach enhances SPACE Studies’ impact, aligning with its commitment to social responsibility and innovation in the built environment.
Academic Content Coordinator
Betul Uckan is an architect and dedicated academic with a background in both architectural practice and research. She holds a Master of Science in Architectural Design and a Bachelor’s degree in Architecture from Istanbul Technical University, where she cultivated her interests in architectural theory and design. Betul has gained experience as a research assistant in various universities, contributing to design studios and foundational courses. She has also worked in the field as an architect with projects focused on design, modeling, and construction, and has been involved in notable projects, including Maltepe Piazza and Emaar Square in Istanbul. With her expertise spanning both digital and material architecture, Betul brings a dynamic, interdisciplinary approach to her role as the Academic Programme Coordinator.
E-mail: betuluckan@spacestudies.co.uk
Senior Researcher & Managing Editor
Arghavan Pournaderi is a senior researcher in the field of architectural conservation and restoration, with an academic foundation in architecture and specialized expertise in historic sites and buildings. Completing her PhD at the Art University of Isfahan, Iran, in 2019, her research has contributed to the understanding of Iran’s architectural heritage, with a focus on Isfahan’s urban and architectural evolution during the Safavid period. In addition to her extensive research, Dr. Pournaderi has held academic positions at various institutions in Isfahan, teaching at both undergraduate and graduate levels. Her work extends beyond academia as she contributes to SPACE Studies as Senior Researcher & Managing Editor, where she oversees scholarly initiatives that foster deeper interdisciplinary dialogue in architecture and heritage conservation.
Senior Researcher & Educational Consultant
Gregory Cowan is a Senior Researcher and Educational Consultant at SPACE Studies, where he leads initiatives that bridge academic research and practical application in architecture and urban design. He contributes his extensive experience to mentoring postgraduate students, designing educational workshops, and guiding community-focused projects. Gregory is also a freelance academic at the University of Wales Trinity St David and the University of Westminster, and founder of The Architects Coach. His expertise spans architectural workspace analysis, professional development, and positive intelligence coaching.
E-mail: gregorycowan@spacestudies.co.uk
Senior Researcher
Alison Hand is a Senior Researcher at SPACE Studies. She is a painter and writer with an MA in Painting from the Royal College of Art. Alison’s work focuses on creating absurd, unstable heterotopic spaces and dialogues with painting history. She is currently the Artist in Residence for King’s College London Philosophy Department on the Dreams and Wakeful Consciousness Research Project, exploring themes of time and simultaneity in new work. Alison has received numerous awards for her painting and is currently working with Bloomsbury Publishers on a major essay on Drawing in Contemporary Art. She is also the BA Fine Art Programme Leader at Art Academy London and co-director of Cement Arts. Her role at SPACE Studies involves leading research projects, mentoring junior researchers, and contributing to our artistic and academic initiatives.
E-mail: alisonhand@spacestudies.co.uk
Senior Researcher
Julian Wild is a Senior Researcher at SPACE Studies and the Sculpture Program Leader at The Art Academy London. With over 30 years of experience in creating and exhibiting sculptures, Julian has worked with high-profile clients such as Cate Blanchett and the University of Oxford. A fellow and former vice president (2015-2019) of the Royal Society of Sculptors, his work has been featured at venues like Modern Art Oxford and Chatsworth House. At SPACE Studies, Julian leads research projects, mentors junior team members, and conducts workshops that blend art and urban studies. In his free time, he enjoys attending academic conferences and crafting new sculptures.
E-mail: julianwild@spacestudies.co.uk
Director of Publications & Senior Researcher
Elif Suyuk Makakli (Associative Professor) earned her PhD in Architecture from the Vienna University of Technology, where she studied the impact of technology on architecture under Prof. William Alsop. With extensive experience in architectural practice in Istanbul and Vienna, she is now an Associate Professor at FMV Isik University, focusing on design education and technology. At SPACE Studies, Elif serves as both the Head of Publications and Senior Researcher, guiding scholarly content and contributing to research initiatives. She is dedicated to mentoring and fostering design innovation.
E-mail: elifsmakakli@spacestudies.co.uk
Director of Research
Sanaz Shobeiri is an architect, urban designer, and landscape urbanist, currently a postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Planning at Queen’s University Belfast. Her research focuses on age-gender inclusiveness and the interplay of architectural, historical, political, and sociocultural dimensions in urban spaces, exemplified by her project on city centres in Belfast and Tehran. Sanaz holds a PhD in Urban Planning from the University of Tehran and has a robust portfolio in sustainability and urban theory. As Head of Research at SPACE Studies, she leads innovative research initiatives, fostering collaboration and academic excellence. In her free time, Sanaz enjoys exploring urban landscapes and supporting community development.
E-mail: sanazshobeiri@spacestudies.co.uk
Creative Director
Selin Gulce Sozmen is the Creative Director at SPACE Studies, where she leads the artistic vision and design strategy for the organisation. With a background in graphic design and visual arts, Selin has been instrumental in creating visually captivating books, journals, and event posters. Her role extends to developing and coordinating workshops and creative projects, ensuring that all visual materials meet the highest standards of quality and innovation. Selin’s dedication to creativity and excellence drives the visual and creative direction of SPACE Studies, making her an essential part of the team.
E-mail: selinsozmen@spacestudies.co.uk
Founder & Executive Director
Pinar Engincan is the Founder and Executive Director of SPACE Studies, an innovative social enterprise focused on fostering interdisciplinary dialogue and education in architecture and urban design. With extensive experience as a lecturer and researcher, Pınar holds a PhD in Architecture and has led numerous academic initiatives. Her career includes curriculum development, international collaborations, and research on housing and urban policies. Passionate about bridging academia and community, she champions accessible education and consultancy services, empowering individuals to shape the built environment.
E-mail: pengincan@spacestudies.co.uk
